Global visions to global ideals

Whatever process we focus on to achieve a “global ideology” would be far from any given form of that ideology. However, as we have seen, a “global vision” already exists in certain technical areas. These areas can be seen that as having reached de facto global standardisation. Other process might follow the technical dynamics, we shall investigate what, and how, other aspects of what it means to be a human can reach global ideals.

Similarly with languages, and the primordial diversity that we illustrated when talking about first encounters between diverse human groups, historically the differences between human populations have been enormous, testing the limits of what it means to be human.

Cultural groups have organised themselves in a wide variety of ways, from the way unions are made, kids are raised, division of labour constructed, ways of seeking food and refuge, medicine, artistic expressions, ways of keeping the group knowledge, religious visions and practices… Almost every aspect of what characterises to be human has experienced an explosion in diversity, with the only commonalities being that these aspects are shared by virtually all human populations. Reproduction, food, shelter, language, body modification/ornamentation, artistic and spiritual expressions, being probably the main ones.

Humans also seem to share multiple universal –or quasi-universal– characteristics. As we have seen, these are the smiles and laughter, pointing towards things, the taboo of reproducing with your mother or your son, a division of labour based on gender, food based taboos, religious beliefs and afterlife, a cosmovision, oral traditions and stories, rituals, music and arts, ethnobotanic knowledge, modification of the environment, humour and the use of technologies such as fire, spears, hammers, strings, ropes, baskets and other such tools. Maybe also the fact that we usually laugh across cultures when somebody falls! That is difficult to prove universally, still, it seem that, at least across ten distant foraging societies, pain and misfortune to be a recurring theme.

Although that list of things seems like a huge set of characteristics, that is nothing when compared with the astonishing diversity of human culture. To find common ground within this diversity is what allows to ask a common question.

Common ground is important, because, even if a lingua franca is shared by different cultural groups, the concepts that are encoded by that language shall also be shared if need to be mutually understood. For example, it is useless to have a word to define a food that is only known by one cultural group. We valencians have given to the world the word Paella, and also an emoji. Paella is both the the pan where the meal is cooked, and the meal itself. Many of the readers might not be familiar with the word paella, you can google it and it would be an easy find. For the ones familiar with the word, probably their knowledge came about by eating the dish itself, and not from reading the definition of Paella. Alternatively, one could have eaten a seafood rice “Arroz con Mariscos” in Peru previously, and when reading about paella, without having actually tried it, been able to understand more or less the concept because these meals, and the experience of eating them, are similar enough even though are called differently and traditional Valencian paella not having seafood, but rabbit and chicken.

In summary, new language and concepts have to be incorporated in the first part by experience, like learning a language for the first time, as newborns do. That takes time. A newborn potentially takes about 2 to 3 years to reach language fluidity through the incorporation and linkage of all the concepts that are being incorporated in the brain, with a vocabulary and a grammar associated. And after that period one never really stops learning, as new concepts and vocabulary keep appearing in ones life, even if it is just the names of new people who are integrated into the human community, such as spouses or newborns. No matter what society we live in, language is something that gets richer and richer throughout ones life.

Similarly, when learning a second language it is significantly easier if the language is close to the one that is already known, especially in terms of vocabulary. Concepts in both languages tend to have words that sounds in a similar way or are closely related. With that the effort to learn is little, because there is a common ground where many bridges are already established. On the other hand, when learning distant languages the effort needed is significant, as each word and concept is virtually new and the bridges have to be build one by one in a process that is somehow equivalent to learn how to speak again, though quite distinct as well, as knowing one language already shapes how one adquires others.

With ideologies, and in general cultures, we can make the analogy with the languages. Similar ideologies have already many bridges of mutual understanding, while distant ones have few points of connection where to build a mutual understanding. Often, for people from one culture to understand the other, there is the need to immerse into the other in order to truly absorb all the concepts needed for a mutual understanding. That is time consuming and impractical.

It is difficult for the members of two different ideologies to truly understand the other. In fact, it is the opposite in many cases, ideologies and identities are on occasion build and defined through the radical opposition to the other. What is reinforced is what makes them different. For example, french youth in the 70s and 80s quickly developed Verlan (l’envers, “the inverted” in french). Velan is a complex argot that flips syllabic order in words. The tradition goes back to at least the XIX c., among prisoners, the underworld and popular groups. But by the end of the XX c., it took off as a generational phenomena to create a code that limits who can understand it. It is generally limited to one or two key words per sentence, while mixed with other known argot. Through language, youth could distinguish themselves and create an identity distinct from the older generations and the wider french society, especially in urban ghettos, where these demographics suffer general societal disenfranchisement. Similarly, in Bouganbille, Papua, the Uisai dialect of Buin, inverted the language gender, not only in nouns but throughout all the linguistic system—pronouns, verbs, numerals, demonstratives and adjectives. Since such change is so profound and systematic, some linguists propose that it was a deliberate act by the Uisai to distinguish themselves from the other Buin communities.

Therefore, for practical proposes, the understanding of the other, and willingness to do so, is what constitutes the basis for a needed mutual understanding.

This process, however, builds upon the biased connections that we already have seen in the previous sections: exchange, commerce, colonization, conquest, universal technical languages, a universal natural language, and as we hinted with maps, nation states.

Upon these connections, there are other levels that we will explore it. Mainly, the export of a set of global ideals by Western powers. This process is not merely limited to the Western World, but I argue that most of intercultural conflicts, oppression and disagreements emerge from a handful of behaviours: how one looks, how one eats, how one fucks, how one works, how one owns, how one kills…

Provably even these last words might arise some emotional reaction in some readers. That reaction, indeed I claim, shapes much of what the aims, and limits, of our question.

Moreover, since the Europeans have proceed to export how one looks, how one eats, how one fucks, how one works, how one owns, how one kills; across the world as a dominant culture, they done so in a brick and mortar way, through infrastructure, and the build up of global institutions.

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Signalling

Similarly to the bower bird, humans do not have highly visible physical appearance and features. We lack flashy manes, colourful bottoms, prominent cheeks, a crest, or nicely spotted furs. But like the bower birds, we do like to use objects around us as a display. Virtually all human populations on the planet like to wear accessories to their bodies, which, in many cases, increase the visibility of our bodies. Even more, virtually all human populations invest in permanent body modification of one kind or another, from an earring to amputating body parts, like circumcision. However, unlike bower birds, this decoration or modification of the bodies is done by all genders; therefore, it is not only done to attract a mating partner but also to create social links, signalling and assessment of the others, like kids sharing toys or flashing the new shoes.

Both humans and the bower birds make use of visually arousing traits that coevolved with their effect on an audience, mates. However, the incorporation of external elements directly into our body seems to be an almost unique feat of humans among vertebrates. At the moment of writing, only the bearded and Egyptian vultures have been seen to add pigmentation from natural elements like oxide baths or cow excrements to their otherwise white feathers. There is debate whether this is for protection or for mate pairing, with the most recent research pointing that the bond with partners as the most likely explanation. For bearded vultures, the female, who usually is larger than the male, tends to have a stronger red pigmentation due to the oxides, while of the two males that might be in the polygamous trio, the one that copulates the second tends to be of whiter pigmentation. This is similar for the Egyptian vultures, where the more dominant birds tend to be of yellower colour and carry stronger faeces odour. Still there is no clear agreement on their motivation. But it seems that this is an innate, and not cultural, behaviour, as acculturated Egyptian vultures raised in captivity also engage in colouring feathers once they have sources to proceed with the practice. In the non vertebrate word, only some other crustaceans and insects use elements of their environment to incorporate to their body, and usually that is done in order to camouflage, as a protection, or for matting reasons. Examples are hermit craws, caterpillars, octopuses or beetles.

Humans, on the other hand, extensively decorate themselves with external elements in virtually every society that we know of. We also have archeological records with tantalising evidence of objects that could have been used as garments going back as far as 100.000 years. Therefore, body decoration is a trait that is deeply rooted in humans and at least also for the Neanderthals, whom we repeatedly mated.

Going back to our landscape in east Africa, you can imagine that you encounter for the first time with someone that you are unfamiliar with. The first thing that you might notice is the garments that the other is wearing. They might be covered in strange black, red, yellow pigments that are not available in your area, or an extensive use of seashells of strange bones arranged in strangely appealing patterns, feathers and teeth might decorate their necks, torsos, legs, arms and head in completely different ways and fashion that you are used to see.

At this point, many emotions might come to the front, but once the ones related with fear and harm have subsided, the one that might take over you is curiosity, as we discuses with the marbles. Some of the ornaments might resonate with you as a sign of beauty, the same way that when we see a complex seashell on the beach, we have the craving for it, despite not having any use as food or protection. Or we might get attracted to another person’s tattoo, despite not representing how successful in rearing kids that person might be.

The next careful step might be an approach. You share no language, but at this point, each other probably shares the curiosity. You might point to one of the ornaments that he or she is wearing.

Pointing is, as far as we know, a universal human gesture to indicate a specific emphasis, to draw attention to the direction of what is being pointed at. Not all pointing is done with the index and an extended arm, some cultures use their look and lips or nose to point, but this seems to be an additional gesture other than the one done with the arm. Whichever way the pointing is done, we understand it to be universal and can be shared across first encounters. Even if you saw someone point with their eyes fixed to the target of interest and protrude the lips, you would probably understand the gesture straight away, as the “intention” of gesture seems to be also understood, partially, by other non-human animals.

We can expect this pointing exchange as something that has happened repeatedly all over the world with first encounters. We started to notice this interaction among distant, unknown peoples, especially since the Europeans started their extensive conquest, colonisation and exploration voyages in faraway continents. A first encounter of this kind is illustrated by the account of Cristobal Columbus when reaching the Americas, or the New World, which in fact he thought were islands far away East of Japan. He was caring several books about accounts of European voyagers who had traveled to the Asian continent in the previous centuries. Among these books was Marco Polo’s account of his life and travels in Asia.

Columbus wrote of the first encounter:

I reached the Indies in the first isle I discovered, I took by force some of the natives, that from them we might gain some information of what there was in these parts; and so it was that we immediately understood each other, either by words or signs. They are still with me and still believe that I come from heaven. They were the first to declare this wherever I went, and the others ran from house to house, and to the towns around, crying out, “Come! come! and see the men from heaven!” At every point where I landed and succeeded in talking to them, I gave them some of everything I had cloth and many other things without receiving anything in return, but they are a hopelessly timid people. It is true that since they have gained more confidence and are losing this fear, they are so unsuspicious and so generous with what they possess, that no one who had not seen it would believe it.
They never refuse anything that is asked for. They even offer it themselves, and show so much love that they would give their very hearts.

Letter of Christopher Columbus to Luis de St. Angel on his first voyage to America, 1492

Even if this event unfortunately happened because Columbus was taking natives by force, as you can notice in this account of the first encounter, there seems to be at least a shared drive for communication and signalling. This encounter happened between peoples of different continents who had never shared any communication for at least 10.000 years (if we suppose the Caribs had no knowledge of the Vikings visiting Vinland).

The basis for that first contact seems to be conducted by gesticulations and not by vocal language. We do not understand why gestures seems to be the preferred form to start bridging the communication gap, maybe because its relative simplicity compared to vocal expression, or the existence of these universal gestures like pointing, or expressions, like smiling but within us seems to exist both an innate desire to communicate and the really rudimentary tools to start doing so, which rapidly evolve into a more complex and deeper understanding. At least that is what the case of Columbus illustrates, that in no time he thought he could understand that the captives that he took considered him as a divinity, and that they were communicating so to their countryfolk.

Again, this exchange is not exclusively done by humans, almost any social animal at some point interacts with other social communities of the same species, or even other species. There is a continuous flow of individuals who go from their group and integrate into another. However, the initial conversations are really limited, and no long-term cooperation is established between non-kin groups.

Most interesting is the case of Bonobos. They are highly social creatures that communicate in a rich language. And this communication, at least for body language, goes beyond their own species and cultural groups. There is the observation that humans from Western culture understand most of their facial expressions and some of their natural hand gestures, such as their invitation to play. In the wild, bonobos have contextual messages; they use the same call to mean different things in different situations, and the other bonobos have to take the context into account when determining the meaning. This contextual communication was previously only observed in humans. Furthermore, it was studied that sounds made by human infants and bonobos when they were tickled followed a similar pattern. Also, Bonobos recognise, to a degree, that humans are ignorant and point them towards hidden objects. These behaviours probably indicate that the richness and depth of human communication goes far back in evolutionary terms, as humans and bonobo lineages diverged about 4 million years ago.

But a much more distant social animal able to communicate are bees. A scouting bee is known to have really complex patterns of dancing and gestures to point to fellow bees in the bee colony where to find certain kinds of food. However, unlike humans, no bee has been seen that goes to another colony to tell the same thing, or that they might exploit together a certain area, or build a bigger nest in cooperation with another colony to fend off bad weather or predators. No, solutions to each of these problems have to be found within the colony, and no viable complex communication exists with external groups that we are aware of.

For non-human social animals, where an individual that migrates from one group to another, the newly arrived individuals adopt or conform to the traditions of the host group and do not return or communicate between groups. Or in the case of alpha males, they can impose their traditions. For example, experimenters trained wild vervet monkeys with corn of two different colours, one blue and the other pink (the researchers chose these because they were the colours of their genitals; that is how science is done). The blue and yellow popcorn tasted sweet or bitter, respectively, for half of the groups, and the other way around for the other half. They quickly learned to avoid the bitter taste with the respective colours. Four months later, after several baby monkeys had been born, the communities were again offered the coloured corn, although this time neither had the bitter taste. Then, both adults and infant monkeys strongly preferred the same colour as before, despite neither being bitter! This behaviour reminds to the rejection of food by humans when they are offered food with strange colours, but perfectly edible otherwise. The baby monkeys who had no previous exposure to the bitter taste, almost all of them just ate the same as the mothers. Interestingly, during that period, ten male monkeys migrated to a group that preferred the opposite colour as the one they were habituated. After observing the locals, nine out of ten shifted to the local preference of colour, giving up their habit. The only exception was that of Lekker, a male that on arrival simply took the position as the dominant male upon arrival to the new group. This male continued his own habit, ignoring the locals and forcing his choice on the new group.

This experiment with monkeys can be similar to one conformity experiment done with humans. In a waiting room, an unsuspecting woman is surrounded by actors who rise up after a beep sound in the room. After 3 beeps, and seeing that every other person raises up after the beep, the woman rises up like the rest of them. Then, one by one, all the actors leave the room until only the unsuspecting woman remains. Even when she is alone, she keeps standing up after beeping. Then another unsuspecting man enters the room, and after seeing and talking with the woman rising up, he joins her. More and more people crowd in, and they keep adopting the odd behaviour after two or three beeps, with the exception of one male that took several more beeps to conform. Funny enough, as the repetitions happen, the movement of all of them becomes more coordinated, like a music band playing in synchrony. But there is no real communication in these cases, just examples of conformist adaptation. The members that entered the group would conform to whatever tradition was followed unless a new member took a position of dominance.

Whatever is happening with the monkeys and the popcorn seems to be similar to the humans and the waiting room. Some entrenched social learning mechanisms are taking the reigns of the individuals of each group to facilitate for the transmission of random cultural knowledge. This transmission is truly random in the case of these two experiments, but we can put the transmission in the context of an evolutionary pressure. For example, in the case of the monkeys, bitter taste is usually poisonous in nature, so colour → biter → poisonous; therefore, by keeping with the colour, one avoids the danger of poison even if the bitter is no longer there. But if one migrates to a new environment, it is better to follow the local norm, both to feel to fit in and because local differences might be different –when in Rome do as the Romans. Lekker, the lone dominant male could go away with unchanging behaviour because truly the corn that he preferred was neither bitter nor poisonous. For the case of humans, it can be the same. Social conditioning might have evolved deeply, and it can be punished for not bending to the local norm, even if that contradicts the previous behaviour. That can relate to how people wearing clothes in a nudist beach feel uncomfortable and might be frowned upon by the nudists. Only people with a strong moral superiority would not conform and not care, like when colonists did not adapt their clothing to the places they were conquering but imposed theirs. While, exceptionally, western conquerors and explorers would “go native” if they were surrounded fully by the local culture.

A good example of adopting into the new group, or avoiding adaptation is the case of Gonzalo Guerrero and Gerónimo de Aguilar in the early stages of the conquest of Mexico. After a shipwreck, both where captured by the mayas in Yucatan amnd initially escaped together but got separated on their scape. Gonzalo Guerrero, after 20 days running through the jungle, arrived to a costal community were they made him became a slave. However soon after, after showing his skills as luthier, carpenter and his value in battle he assisted the Mayan lord Nachan Can’s as a general, fighting against other Maya groups and the Castilians. Gonzalo probably tattooed or marked his face and wore big earrings which changed the shape of his ears. He married one of Can Nachan’s daughters and fathered three euro-american children, probably the first mestizos. The story tells that he died at his 64 or 65 years fighting the Europeans, dressed, painted and ceremonially marked like the Mayas. In contrast, Gerónimo de Aguilar, was a seminarist, and never married or wed a native, but adopted local clothing and later despised European ones and partially forgot how to speak Castilian (spanish) after 7 years. He also became a warrior and a general for his later master Ahmay, who seemed to have second thoughts about sacrificing or killing him, but kept him alive and set him free because he valued his military skills. Aguilar, introducing European tactics like not capturing enemies alive, which where really useful in battles. However, unlike Guerrero, he later joined Hernan Cortés and assisted him in his conquests of Mexico, using his knowledge of the years living with the locals for that. He died covered in handicapping buboes as a soldier of the Castillians, making us wonder if these were syphilis buboes and he did wed somebody after he returned to the Europeans.

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Rarity and curiosity

Let us first focus on rarity, which is conceptually easier to grasp. For some reason, we are extremely attracted to rarity. Imagine this thought experiment: there is a room full of white marbles on the floor, with just one or two red marbles, and you are allowed to pick three of them. Which ones would you choose? I can venture to say that you would probably pick the red ones.

Now, consider another room where another person is also allowed to pick just three marbles. However, in this room, the colours are inverted—one or two are white marbles, while the rest are red. Neither of you knows about the inverted arrangement.

Once both of you exit the room, you are allowed to see what the other has picked.

If there were only two red marbles in the room, you would have one or two red marbles and the rest white. Meanwhile, you would see that the other person also has one or two red marbles.

If you were now allowed to exchange marbles, which ones would you pick? The context has changed—both of you have more or less the same number of red and white marbles, but most likely, due to your previous experience, the other person would desire your white marbles while you would desire their red ones.

Other strategies might emerge, though. For example, given the possible rarity and imbalance of colours, you might choose to hold on to one white marble just in case.

This simple thought experiment illustrates how complex rarity becomes. Despite this, we have an innate mechanism that drives us to desire it. Marbles are completely useless in everyday life, and their being white or red makes no actual difference. There is no rational thought behind it—only the impulse to gather the rare.

We do not know where the desire for rarity comes from or how exclusive it is to humans. Perhaps the behaviour originates from selecting ripe fruit. However, similar curiosity and rarity-seeking behaviour can be observed in bowerbirds. These birds, native to Papua and Northern Australia, have no natural predators. Like birds of paradise, male bowerbirds have evolved complex courtship strategies. While birds of paradise have developed colourful feathers and elaborate courtship dances over generations, the plain-looking bowerbird has instead developed the ability to construct intricate and colourful structures—so-called “courting nests”—as part of its courtship strategy.

Males take years (four to seven) to learn how to build these structures, which can span several metres. These nests take weeks to construct using sticks, straws, shiny stones, and pebbles. Interestingly, bowerbirds have begun incorporating plastic rubbish into their nests. Each element is carefully arranged in complex structures that even manipulate depth perception, much like a Baroque painting, in order to attract a mate—or several. In many of these structures, a plastic piece—often an especially unattractive one, such as a torn energy bar wrapper or a crushed plastic bottle—occupies a central position. Perhaps this is not due to intrinsic beauty, but rather because of contextual rarity. Curiously, these birds also follow local trends, observing and copying the constructions of others. Young bowerbirds learn by imitating their older relatives, initially building crude and atypically coloured nests. This behaviour is particularly evident in species such as the Satin, Vogelkop (Amblyornis inornatus), MacGregor’s, and Great Bowerbirds.

Perhaps we desire marbles for the same reason—they are shiny, rare objects that can be used to attract potential mates or simply to gain the attention of our social peers. A child, for instance, may wish to show off a rare new toy to their family and friends or flaunt a shiny new pair of shoes.

Regardless of the underlying reasons, what bowerbirds lack is a system of exchange in which they can trade their surplus of blue plastic caps for an impressive white-and-green toothbrush two nests away. Instead, they resort to stealing decorations from their neighbours in an effort to attract mates. However, stealing is time-consuming and inefficient; the thief must wait until the other bird is away, sneak in, and then return to their nest with the prize. During this period, they are neither gathering food nor tending to their nest, and they are also vulnerable to theft themselves. It is far more efficient to exchange ornaments or to give them away in the hope of reciprocity—or, as some anthropologists suggest, to create a debt bond.

Beyond the intriguing fact that modern plastics have entered their courtship rituals, bowerbirds offer insight into a fundamental human desire: the pursuit of beauty taken to an extreme, combined with the imperative to reproduce. This will be analysed further in the texts.

From the small to the global <- Previous Next -> Tool making

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Growth of communication- Culture

All of the previous examples I have highlighted until now, show living beings collaborating and cooperating require a basic feature: communication. Communication involves shared channels in which the individuals that form a group or interaction have cues and signals that can be understood by other members and entities. These are mainly visual, chemical, acoustical, and vibrational cues. With these cues, the basic structure of formations larger than the individual exists, allowing for the generation of other ways of interacting with the environment that individuals alone cannot achieve.

Out of the three bases of global reach (intelligence, collaboration, and communication), I will focus on communication as the most critical for our understanding of how we got here—that is, the capacity to communicate at many and diverse levels and across a wide range of scales. From really superficial to deeply technical ones, from proximity to global.

At some point in this arrangement, a complex cognitive structure emerged in the form of language. This sophisticated communication would encompass most forms of categorising the external and internal world of individuals in any group united by communication. Many debates concerning the limits of knowledge originate from analysing where our knowledge of the world around us is constrained by language. These debates span back centuries, for example G. Berkeley’s, A Treatise on Principles of Human Knowledge (1710) or J. Locke’s Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690), or take really interesting forms, like the Sapir-Whorf effect, where language might shape the essence of how we see our world. For example, many languages do not have words for numbers larger than 3 or 4, but might have hundreds of words for different scents, which we lack.

In any case, at some point language was used not only for the communication between members of in-groups, but also with external groups, becoming a federation of groups, as anthropological research shows. That is where everything really changed, where “Culture” emerged in the sophisticated form that we know and where information, collaboration, exchange, reduction of conflict and complex networks would extend the wealth of possibilities of how interact and shape our environment. This level of inter-group communication is something that has not been achieved successfully by any other living thing on this planet —maybe with the exception of the Fire Ants, and they are a only doing it for the last 100 years or so. As humans, we achieved the creation of a structure —culture— which allows detailed communication between virtually all the members of our species.

Once communication between groups emerges, everything changes. This accumulative communication allows for the complexity of the tools we use to be open-ended, as the evolution of technology and tools like large particle accelerators or space satellite constellations shows.

Communication is also open-ended, meaning that it can potentially keep increasing indefinitely, probably linked to the complexity of tools. In nature, communication channels tend to be very limited and do not show growth or evolution by themselves, while human languages are always in continuous evolution—incorporating new concepts and terms, combining existing ones, losing or forgetting others, and actually forging what is needed. This applies not only to language but also to symbols, signs, experiences, training, repetitions, etc. This indefinite addition of communication elements adapts to achieve the desired level of communication, understanding, and sharing of the initial information. To put it simply, to pass on a specific message. This depth of communication also requires boundless collaboration to construct the complex concepts needed for sophisticated knowledge.

All in all, this open-ended way of sharing messages has created what we have come to know as culture and cultural evolution—the body of messaging and knowledge that is passed from one generation to another, with the capacity to add new pieces to that pool or lose them. Moreover, we have, in principle, the limitless capacity to transmit accumulated knowledge and messages to other human beings, as long as there is a shared communication channel.

Collaboration <- Previous Next -> Language

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